Human rights abuses in Chile under Augusto Pinochet were the crimes against humanity, persecution of opponents, political repression, and state terrorism committed by the Chilean Armed Forces, members of Carabineros de Chile and civil repressive agents members of a secret police, during the military dictatorship of Chile under General Augusto Pinochet from 1973 to 1990.

According to the Commission of Truth and Reconciliation (Rettig Commission) and the National Commission on Political Imprisonment and Torture (Valech Commission), the number of direct victims of human rights violations in Chile accounts for around 30,000 people: 27,255 tortured and 2,279 executed. In addition, some 200,000 people suffered exile and an unknown number went through clandestine centers and illegal detention.[citation needed]

The systematic human rights violations that were committed by the military dictatorship of Chile, under General Augusto Pinochet, included gruesome acts of physical and sexual abuse, as well as psychological damage. From 1973 to 1990, Chilean armed forces, the police and all those aligned with the military junta were involved in institutionalizing fear and terror in Chile.[1]

The most prevalent forms of state-sponsored torture that Chilean prisoners endured were electric shocks, waterboarding, beatings, and sexual abuse. Another common mechanism of torture employed was "disappearing" those who were deemed to be potentially subversive because they adhered to leftist political doctrines. The tactic of "disappearing" the enemies of the Pinochet regime was systematically carried out during the first four years of military rule. The "disappeared" were held in secret, subjected to torture and were often never seen again. Both the National Commission on Political Imprisonment and Torture (Valech Report) and the Commission of Truth and Reconciliation (Rettig Report) approximate that there were around 30,000 victims of human rights abuses in Chile, with 40,018 tortured and 2,279 executed.[2]

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POLICING PROTEST IN ARGENTINA AND CHILE

The Carabineros trace their establishment to 1541 as a police force aimed primarily at protecting the Spanish population from indigenous. As Chile developed economically in the 1700s, the police role expanded to include protection of business owners. In 1881, the Rural Police Security Force was formed and in 1896, the militarized police, Gendarmes, commenced primarily to protect elites and their holdings, particularly in mining communities. In 1902, the police became organized and centralized under the Interior of Ministry, eventually forming the Carabineros. From its inception, Chilean police forces have been closely tied to the military and tasked with protecting economic interests of the elite. A 1927 campaign portrayed the Carabineros as defenders of the public, cultivating a more citizen protection image, even though they were a militarized force. Despite the new image, the Carabineros continued to aggressively control social protest and unrest. In the 1960s, with financial help from the United States, they became more focused with the special task force on combating protest groups. Under Allende, the special group was disbanded and agrarian reform was implemented. The ensuing instability resulted in the military coup which instilled the Pinochet dictatorship.

Although given the constitutional right to protest in 1980, during the years after the dictatorship, protests were not as common as both the government and the people were focused on closure and stability. Given the focus on stability and justification for control of subversive groups, excessive police force was not regarded as wrongdoing in the law-and-order framework of Chile. According to police experts, excessive force in policing protest is justified as a way of maintaining public order and keeping citizens secure against violent subversive groups. Just as in colonial times, those labeled subversives tend to be indigenous, particularly the Mapuche, and other disenfranchised peoples.

Police reform in the 1990s and early 2000’s included disallowing arrest based on suspicion as well as detainee rights including a phone call, detention limitations, and the right to know the reason for arrest. Since police infractions are presided over in military court, police are often not held accountable. The Carabineros did not move from under control of the Ministry of Defense to the Ministry of the Interior until 2011. A focus on community relations, an increase in concern for citizen security, and domestic and international funding for police training and equipment has fostered a positive attitude toward police despite the continued use of excessive force against people deemed subversive.

The two largest and most widely distributed newspapers in Chile are conservative and credited with encouraging the military coup. Because the Pinochet government secured the funds that the two media groups borrowed during the dictatorship, their indebtedness contributed to the endorsement of governmental ideas as the norm. Starting in 1985, the Carabineros embarked on an image enhancement campaign consisting of a well-trained communications department offering information and seminars for journalists. Since 1990, the government has encouraged the media to promote a mindset of unity. For nearly 50 years, until 2001, media was limited in that any seditious comment against military or police was considered unlawful contempt for authority. The Chilean media continues to criminalize protesters portraying them as a violent and subversive. Unlike Argentina, Chilean police are the primary source journalists employ to obtain information about protests. The law-and-order framework does not include discourse on accountability as excessive police force is not viewed as wrongdoing.